Dominic Raab
Legal executives often specialise in areas such as conveyancing, family law, probate, and litigation. Training is typically spread over five years of combined study and work.Collection: Legal
The typical user of a food bank is not someone that's languishing in poverty: it's someone who has a cash flow problem.Collection: Food
Much of the work legal executives do has to be supervised by a solicitor, irrespective of the experience or ability of the individual. In practice, this is a major disincentive to legal executives setting up their own high street practices. Even when they can do the work, they are still tied to solicitors.Collection: Legal
Of course, the E.U. were never going to welcome Brexit. Some sour grapes were inevitable. That's why we worked hard to leave on positive terms, extending the arm of friendship.Collection: Friendship
No-one wants to see a return to the hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland.
Ingenious prisoners have successfully claimed a range of novel entitlements, from fertility treatment to a right to keep twigs in their cells to wave as wands in pagan rituals.
From the cradle to the grave, men are getting a raw deal. Men work longer hours, die earlier, but retire later than women.
Working as a Foreign Office lawyer in 2003, I was less worried by the quibbling over U.N. resolutions on Iraq than the coalition's capacity to effect positive change.
Iraq lacks leaders capable of soothing sectarian wounds, and Western attempts to pick them or force their hand invite anti-imperialist backlash.
For all its pro-democracy rhetoric, the West rolled over to military coups in Egypt and Thailand.
British intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan swelled the grievances home-grown fanatics fed off, while al Qaeda morphed and re-grouped in lawless sanctuaries from Somalia to Yemen.
The government rightly resisted pressure to accept Free Movement of people from E.U. countries, to allow us to regain control over our immigration policy.
As for the dream of a global Britain trading more energetically from Asia to Latin America, the E.U. has tied our hands, hobbling those ambitions.
Of course, we must properly equip our troops.
The Government should be held accountable if it puts soldiers at unnecessary risk, which is why it is vital to retain full transparency in inquests. Governments also have a moral obligation to ensure proper care for the injured and their families.
In the 21st century, we face new and more intense global competition, spanning the ambitious and industrious economies from Latin America to Asia. To meet the challenge, Britain must rediscover and reward the lost virtue of hard work - a tried and tested route to individual success, national prosperity, and a fairer society.
State educators have confused the length of formal education with real-life skills.
The something-for-nothing culture has been championed by a minority of militant union leaders, who threaten strikes with impunity to secure unjustifiable pay hikes.
You can't help your background or innate talents. But anyone can graft: that's why there are success stories like that of Tony Pidgley, the founder and owner of Berkeley Homes.
Prisoners have benefited disproportionately from 'rights inflation' - the expansion of human rights into unforeseen nooks and crannies.
Despite egregious human rights abuses, military dictatorship in Greece, and Russian atrocities in Chechnya, no state has ever been voted out of the Council of Europe.
When Britain signed up to the European Convention and its later protocols, the words 'universal suffrage' were deleted from the 'right to vote' article.
Far from protecting children, the abuse of Article 8 risks making them pawns - subject to coercion or worse - as part of a criminal's desperate struggle to stay in Britain.
Israel's system of proportional representation rarely produces stable government.
We have seen too many arbitrary Strasbourg diktats based on the whims of European judges - from prisoner voting to blocking deportation of Abu Qatada - rather than a sober reading of the sensible list of core freedoms in the European Convention itself.
Courts should interpret the law but leave elected lawmakers to create it.
No other country ties its hands in deporting foreign criminals as Britain does.
Terrorists follow tried and tested tactics.
Control orders put people not convicted of any crime under virtual house arrest based on scant evidence. Billed as a security backstop, they proved unreliable.
Sacrificing British liberties will not protect us. It just plays into the hands of the terrorists. The justice system is not the problem. It is part of the solution. We can fight terror - and defend freedom.
We should protect free speech by repealing offences that stifle legitimate debate - like 'glorification' of terrorism and religious hatred - but take a 'zero-tolerance' approach to extremists inciting violence.
Introducing a voting threshold for strike action would save the country billions, unleashing productivity gains from rail infrastructure to administration.
Welfare reform isn't easy.
Britain rightly sees herself as a global good citizen, but she must reconcile ambition with power, ends with means - shedding utopian idealism in favour of a more rugged internationalism, putting the national interest first, not last.
Shrouded by the 'dodgy dossier,' which warped opaque intelligence, none of the stated war aims in Iraq spoke to the British national interest. Illusory dreams of bringing Western-style democracy to the Middle East were punctured by failures of planning and strategy, as catalogued before the Chilcot Inquiry.
Britain should take pride in a foreign policy that reflects her values and responsibilities - but it must be grounded in the tangible interests of the citizens who pay for it.
Beyond the U.S. and E.U., Britain should deepen ties with the Commonwealth and the rising powers of Asia and Latin America - calibrated to our national interest in promoting the global goods of free trade, democracy, and basic human rights.
From the directives that govern the way we do business to the chilling effect of the eurozone crisis on our exports, the European Union pervades our daily lives like never before. Like many of my colleagues on the Tory benches, I believe that renegotiating the terms of our membership is vital for this country's long-term prosperity.
Personally, I would prefer Britain to remain within a more flexible E.U., with access to the single market but without the excessive regulation or constant efforts to direct social, justice, or foreign policy. But if that's not possible, I believe this country could - and should - thrive outside the E.U.
Whether we are in or out of the E.U., we must deliver reform at home in order to compete abroad in the 21st century.
While we have some of the toughest anti-discrimination laws in the world, we are blind to some of the most flagrant discrimination - against men.
Feminists are now amongst the most obnoxious bigots.
One reason women are left 'holding the baby' is anti-male discrimination in rights of maternity/paternity leave.
I'll keep fighting for the best, most successful Brexit.
I cannot support an indefinite backstop arrangement where the E.U. holds a veto over our ability to exit.
Michael Gove is the right leader for the country ... He can speak out to the aspirational underdog in our society, the kid from the council estate.Collection: Country
I also think when it comes to delivering on Brexit, we need someone with a passion but also the mastery of the detail.Collection: Passion
No one fights with more principle and passion than Michael Gove.Collection: Passion
Boris [Johnson] was cavalier with assurances he made. We're picking a prime minister here to lead the country, not a school prefect.Collection: Country
Michael Gove is the right leader for the country.Collection: Country