Antony Blinken
Russia wants stability along its Western borders, neighbors who treat their Russian minorities with respect and prosperous trading partners. NATO enlargement promotes such developments.Collection: Respect
If Xi Jinping is the world's most powerful man, conventional wisdom puts Vladimir Putin a close second. He's made his own bare-chested virility synonymous with a resurgent Russia.Collection: Wisdom
Public diplomacy was an effective Cold War weapon.Collection: War
Some friends of Israel believe that the Palestinians will never, in their hearts, accept a Jewish state in Palestine. Yet Germans and French, Chinese and Japanese, Mexicans and Americans have overcome their once insurmountable differences. Palestinians and Jews also have much to gain from peaceful coexistence.
The lessons Noam Chomsky sets out to teach us in 'Toward a New Cold War' are invaluable. The United States, like any other nations, can and does err, and often in a big way. But Chomsky cannot support at all his implicit diagnosis that America is 'bad.'
In times of crisis, credibility is an American president's most valuable currency.
Many Muslims consider the United States hostile to Islam and to Arab interests. In fact, the United States saved tens of thousands of Muslims in the Gulf, Somalia, Bosnia and Kosovo.
When we're actually modeling good behavior, and when we get results, other countries are more likely to follow our lead.
Bringing the Baltics into the alliance is not a zero sum game in which NATO's gain is Russia's loss, NATO's strength Russia's weakness.
The National Security Act of 1947 - which established the National Security Council - laid the foundation for a deliberate, multitiered process, managed by the national security adviser, to bring government agencies together to debate and decide policy.
The Iran nuclear deal, the so-called JCPOA, was very effective in cutting off all of the pathways that Iran then had to produce fissile material for a nuclear weapon. And we know that that agreement was working.
Interests change and diverge; values do not.
As Vietnam increasingly opens its doors, it will reap the rewards of progress for its people.
In countless communities across America today, refugees are giving back to the country that has given them a new start.
President Trump should win the Nobel Peace Prize.' It is hard to imagine anyone other than Mr. Trump expressing that sentiment.
It is not acceptable for one country to change the borders of another by force.
Mr. Trump is a false prophet.
President John F. Kennedy demonstrated the value of presidential credibility at the height of the Cuban missile crisis, when he sent emissaries to America's allies in October 1962 to secure support for the quarantine of Cuba.
The targets of George W. Bush's 'axis of evil' speech were not Iraq, Iran and North Korea. Those regimes don't need a State of the Union address to know where they stand with the Bush administration. The intended audience was elsewhere: in France, Russia and China.
It is not all right for Russia to decide Ukraine's future.
I was the first senior American official to meet with Riyadh's dynamic Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman after the Saudi intervention in Yemen in 2015. I reiterated the United States' commitment to defend Saudi Arabia against Houthi aggression and to help press the Houthis back to the bargaining table.
The Iranian regime is nothing if not resilient. It fought an eight-year-long war with Iraq to a draw despite losing hundreds of thousands of lives; it has survived decades of isolation.
My father's father fled a pogrom in Russia in the early 20th century and was welcomed to the United States. So was my stepmother, who escaped as a young girl from Communist Hungary in 1950.
The liberal order led by the United States favored an open world connected by the free flow of people, goods, ideas and capital, a world grounded in the principles of self-determination and sovereignty for nations and basic rights for their citizens. It did fall short of its ideals, often in Latin America and Southeast Asia.
By virtually every metric, the liberal international order has made the world healthier, wealthier, wiser, more secure and more tolerant than it has ever been.
The United States took the lead in shaping the norms, rules and institutions of what became the liberal international order, including the United Nations, the international financial institutions and the Marshall Plan.
When it comes to climate change, I think that success at home is directly tied to our ability to lead effectively abroad.
When it comes to the effective stewardship of our nation's security - especially during crises - the most successful administrations had three things in common: people, process and policy.
Day by day, we are meant to continue the work of building a nation that better reflects the values, honors the diversity, and lives up to the aspirations of every single one of its citizens.
The contributions of refugees to the diverse mosaic of our nation are undeniable.
Without Madeleine Albright, our community of democracies might be smaller.
As Vietnam opens its markets and strengthens fundamental rights, the relationship between our nations will continue to grow - to the benefit of both our citizens.
Every day at the State Department, we tackle issues at the intersection of foreign policy and science and technology.
Vietnam's transformation - like that of so many nations - has been supported and even accelerated by an international, rules-based order dedicated to the progress of every nation.
As the personal trajectories of Mr. Trump and Mr. Xi diverge, so too does the focus of their leadership. While Mr. Trump is obsessed with building walls, Mr. Xi is busy building bridges.
Mr. Xi is all-in on robotics, aerospace, high-speed rail, new-energy vehicles and advanced medical products.
The world is not self-organizing.
Beijing's foreign investments can be coercive and exploitative - using Chinese laborers and contractors instead of local ones, saddling poorer countries with enormous debts, leaving behind shoddy workmanship and fueling corruption.
Mr. Tillerson's obsession with downsizing our diplomacy has colored his time at the State Department.
It's hard to overstate the lasting harm Mr. Tillerson's tenure will do to America's diplomacy.
In the absence of an engaged, diplomatically energized America, others will set the agenda, shape the rules and dominate international institutions - and probably not in ways that advance our interests or values.
Every time Mr. Trump provokes howls from the establishment, his base cheers and gets re-energized.
Mr. Putin seems to be playing on every chessboard, from what Russia calls its 'near abroad' to the Middle East, from Europe to America.
When it comes to sowing doubt about democracy and fueling dissension among Americans, Mr. Putin is eating our lunch.
Mr. Putin's primary goal in the 2016 elections was to delegitimize our institutions and pit Americans against each other.
A president is entitled to advisers of his choosing, who reflect his worldview.
Visitors to a future Donald J. Trump presidential library may find a whole section dedicated to his demolition of the 2015 Iran nuclear accord: 'worst deal ever;' 'horrible' and 'one-sided;' 'major embarrassment;' 'defective at its core.'
Tweeting first and asking questions later is not a good way to make policy - especially in the Middle East.
Mr. Trump seems more at home with Middle Eastern autocrats than he does with European democrats.
The United States can't dictate outcomes to a sovereign Iraq. But it can support, incentivize and mobilize those willing to move Iraq in the right direction.