Douglas Alexander
It is already clear that, because of advances in technology, drones are going to play an increased role in warfare in the years ahead. It is therefore vital that the legal frameworks governing their use are robust and internationally recognised.Collection: Technology
Of course we need to show we are a genuine alternative to an unpopular, Conservative-led government. But we need to set ourselves a higher standard than a party offering anger like UKIP.Collection: Anger
My vision for Scotland is one in which we fight together for the values we are care about: equality, fairness and social justice. Those values are the same whether you live in Dumfries or Carlisle.Collection: Equality
Obama better understood community organisation and peer-to-peer communication than any recent candidate, and we are applying that lesson.Collection: Communication
What we are going to offer is not a one-way communication, but one-to-one communication.Collection: Communication
In this age of growing interconnectedness, we understand that turning our backs on the world is simply not an option.
Newspapers can make their own judgment in terms of who they support in a general election. Our responsibility is to make a considered judgment about where the national interest lies.
The Commonwealth is a vital and positive partnership between countries striving to develop trade relations and promote democracy and human rights, united by shared values.
Part of the reason I am so evangelical in our campaigning work is that I had an unshakeable faith in Labour values, but we needed a machine worthy of the message. I grew up with a peerless Conservative machine, with vastly superior resources.
If you talk to most people under 30, they don't read a newspaper.
There's no doubt that what has emerged in the years after 9/11, unlike the situation in Britain, there were practices sanctioned in the U.S. that fall far below the standard of conduct that should have taken place. It is for the American system of government, in all of its branches, to address that. It is not for a British politician.
Building the future holds more attraction than ancestor worship, whichever ancestor we're talking about.
For me, fiscal realism is not a betrayal of Labour values; it is the foundation by which we win the trust of the public.
Too often, the idea seemed to be that the cost of being part of Europe was being less like Britain. So after years of fighting to defend Europe against attacks from the Eurosceptic right, it would be fatal to retreat into the same arguments and begin the battle anew.
In an era of billion-person countries and trillion-pound economies, we need to find ways to amplify our voice. We are most likely to be heard when the Chinese negotiate with a £10 trillion E.U., not a £1.5 trillion Britain.
It was here in Edinburgh that in the 1980s I joined with many others to protest against Margaret Thatcher as she arrived to address the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland.
Historically, Labour has used technology as a form of control. We would use pagers and faxes to send out messages telling people what line to take. The key learning from the Obama campaign is to use technology to empower your supporters.
Change is a process: future is a destination. People want a sense of hope, possibility and pride about Britain.
A politics that defines itself by difference holds no appeal for me.
Solidarity is the basis of my politics.
I don't get up in the morning and think my mission is to end Britain. I do get up in the morning and think that my mission is to end poverty.
We can have enhanced devolution - greater powers in Scotland - but within the strength, security and stability of the United Kingdom, and I think that's what most Scots want.
One of the big weaknesses of the Conservative Party is not just their ignorance of and lack of effective response to the cost-of-living crisis but a more fundamental error about what makes for success in the 21st century.
We'll set our approach to borrowing, to spending, to taxation, in a sensible way on a sensible timescale.
The Conservatives are so busy focusing on yesterday, they're not focused on tomorrow... on how elections are won in the 21st century.
If Nick Clegg hadn't been sitting around the cabinet table, we wouldn't have had the bedroom tax; we wouldn't have had the rise in tuition fees. We wouldn't have had the mistakes we've seen in economic policy.
I take UKIP very seriously. The truth is that UKIP presents an electoral challenge to all political parties. The way to defeat UKIP is not to be a better UKIP but to be a better Labour Party.
The depth of concern people feel about UKIP is not always matched by depth of understanding.
Of course we are looking to win support across every section of society. We win support by speaking to voters on the issues they most care about.
I've never been interested in self-promotion and that side of politics; and if that means people judge that you're less prominent than others, that's a choice I've been willing to make.
Any politician in a democracy has to be mindful of public opinion.
David Cameron can change the branding of the party, but he can't change the beliefs.
I'm in agreement with David Miliband when he says our generation of Labour politicians are not willing to hand over the direction of the country without a serious electoral fight.
My general approach to opposition is where the government is getting something right, we should say so. And where we disagree with them, we should say so, too.
I think politicians who suggest they are uninterested in the support of newspapers are not being straight with people.
What matters in any campaign is that you have a strategic core that makes the judgements, decides the strategy, and can deliver.
I do think our challenge is to balance credibility and a clear message about how we would reduce the deficit with boldness about the choices that we put before the public.
It would be wrong for us to offer difference from the Conservative Party at the cost of credibility, but equally it would be wrong to offer credibility at the cost of being clear that there remain very fundamental differences.
Politicians often reveal most about themselves in unguarded moments.
A self-evidently confident politician, Cameron still suffers from a curious hollowness. Ten years after he became Conservative leader, many people still question what he actually stands for or believes in.
Being prime minister is not a job to be performed with an eye for the exit.
As shadow foreign secretary, I have been as clear in my support for the government when it does something we agree with as I am in highlighting that which we oppose.
David Cameron's approach has left Britain weakened and weary because to retreat from the world is as foolish as it is futile.
Labour's task for government is to build consent for an outward-looking Britain as the best way to advance not just our interests, but also our values at a time of challenge, both at home and abroad.
I'm at one with Ed Miliband in saying that it's important that people have the right to express their democratic voices and also their deep concerns about climate change because we have a planet in peril.
As Development Secretary, I have seen in the developing world that climate change there is not a theory, is not a future threat: it is a contemporary crisis.
Stories come and go. The challenge is to frame the questions that voters will be asking on polling day, such as who has avoided a global depression and worked here to deliver jobs.
When I joined Labour in 1982, I didn't feel I belonged to a party born to power. My repeated experience was of bitter and repeated defeats.
Politics requires the sense of possibility. Dare I say it - the audacity of hope.
What people want is a sense of a better future to come.